Culture and Imperialism (1993) was his effort to broaden the spatial and conceptual range of his basic critique in Orientalism (1978): the power within Western "culture" negatively colors our view of the colonial and post-colonial world (virtually everywhere), and without this cultural justification, colonial expansion could not have occurred. He argues that, even today, elements of our "culture": the news media, television, Glenn Beck, et al., act as knowing or unknowing agents of a new type of imperialism: the expansion and maintenance of broadly Western interests abroad.
Reading Said in India is a hoot. He offers that no one was really fooled by T.E. Lawrence romping around Arabia in native garb, and it was only the implicit threat of British power that allowed him this luxury. Similarly, Rudyard Kipling's Kim realized a fantasy of westerners to travel as natives in a foreign country, sufficiently engrossed while at the same time protected by their status as sahib. Too many people in Ladakh have taken this fantasy as reality, and this attitude triply manifests itself as affectation (clothes, jewelry etc), an inflated sense of grandiosity, and a despicably condescending attitude towards the "natives" whom they encounter.
More than anything Said is troubling. He wrote this 16 years ago and all his outlined problems still stand. Today's New York Times holds a column by Thomas Friedman, incidentally about Greg Mortenson. I always considered Friedman well-intentioned, if a bit farcical and prone to emotional appeals. I'd never really considered him dangerous ante-Said, but read:
Indeed, Mortenson’s efforts remind us what the essence of the “war on terrorism” is about. It’s about the war of ideas within Islam — a war between religious zealots who glorify martyrdom and want to keep Islam untouched by modernity and isolated from other faiths, with its women disempowered, and those who want to embrace modernity, open Islam to new ideas and empower Muslim women as much as men. America’s invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan were, in part, an effort to create the space for the Muslim progressives to fight and win so that the real engine of change, something that takes nine months and 21 years to produce — a new generation — can be educated and raised differently.
And now Said:
...such writing as this is symptomatic of the intellectual will to please power in public, to tell it what it wants to hear, to say to it that it could go ahead and kill, bomb, and destroy, since what would be being attacked was really negligible, brittle, with no relationship to books, ideas, cultures, and no relation either, it gently suggests, to real people (360).or
It's author [The Republic of Fear, Kanan Makiya] later became a celebrity not because his book makes a scholarly contribution...but because its obsessive and monochromatic 'portrait' of Iraq perfectly suits the need for dehumanized, ahistorical, and demonological representation of a country as the embodiment of an Arab Hitler (367).
In both cases Said is referring to justifications for the first Gulf War, but from what Friedman leaves out of his column, Said's passages apply just as evenly. We are allowed that Mortenson's school is built in the Panjshir Valley in the northeast, but we are given no indication of the ethnicity served: whether Pashtun, Uzbek, Tajik, or Hazara; whether the school's clients are Shi'a or Sunni, and Friedman assumes (or maybe elides) the knowledge that this region of Afghanistan was never controlled by the Taliban. From the way Friedman describes it, the Panjshir Valley may as well be a moonscape void of people or history. I mean this literally:
Imagine if someone put a new, one-story school on the moon, and you’ll appreciate the rocky desolateness of this landscape.These are Friedman's words, and from the way he describes the locals, perhaps it would have been better for Mortenson to build in the Sea of Tranquility:
But there, out front, was Mortenson, dressed in traditional Afghan garb. He was surrounded by bearded village elders and scores of young Afghan boys and girls, who were agog at the helicopter, and not quite believing that America’s "warrior chief" [Adm. Mike Mullen]...was coming to open the new school.Friedman is, unfortunately, what passes for an American intellectual today. For many he's America's key emissary of globalization. Which is terrifying. When an "intellectual" as influential as Friedman fails to escape crude stereotypes of the backwards, ahistorical native in a land without a past, his self-proclaimed dream of a world as a level playing field sounds flaccid, cynical, and--dare i say it--imperialist. Read More......

